Affordable Housing, Eviction, and Health

Affordable Housing, Eviction, and Health

Highlights

• Eviction is a commonplace and highly disruptive experience for low-income renters, with an estimated 3.7 million subjected to eviction filings in the most recent year for which data are available.
• African-American and Latinx renters (especially women), families with children, and renters in certain geographies are at greater risk for eviction.
• Evictions are associated with numerous negative physical and mental health outcomes, and eviction prevention is critical for mitigating both the spread of COVID-19 and its associated mortality.

The United States remains embroiled in a longstanding affordable housing crisis, leaving low-income renters particularly vulnerable to high housing cost burdens and housing instability. As a result, low-income renters often are threatened with or experience eviction — an involuntary move from housing initiated by a landlord.1 The COVID-19 pandemic and its accompanying economic disruptions have intensified the threat of housing instability and insecurity nationally, but the effects of these crises have been uneven, with negative outcomes borne disproportionately by people and communities of color. Even under normal circumstances, eviction has negative and widespread economic, social, and health impacts on families; during a public health emergency, these impacts are particularly acute. Research links eviction with increased rates of mortality, substance abuse, suicide, and low birth weight, among other physical and mental health impacts. Since the beginning of the pandemic, federal, state, and local governments have intervened to curb the spread of the coronavirus by helping people remain housed. These interventions, along with other longer-term policies, will be needed to address eviction and its often devastating consequences.

Eviction: A Commonplace Experience for Low-Income Renter Households

Nationally, an estimated 2 million renters are subject to legal eviction filings each year, with 900,000 or more of those resulting in a completed eviction; that is, removal from the home. Researchers at the Eviction Lab at Princeton University point out that significant gaps in eviction tracking data exist, so these figures underestimate both eviction filings and completed evictions.2 Based on data from 2016, the most recent year available, landlords filed an estimated 3.7 million evictions, with about 8 out of every 100 renter households receiving eviction notices.3 Hepburn and Rutan place the scale of evictions in context by comparing them with the 2.8 million foreclosure starts at the height of the Great Recession.4 As staggering as these figures are, many more renters may be forced to exit their housing without a formal filing or between the time of a filing and a judgment. Wake Forest University law professor Emily Benfer points out that more than 30 percent of tenants move after the first sign of an impending eviction — usually notice from a landlord — without ever going to court.5

An estimated 900,000 or more U.S. renters are formally evicted from their homes each year. Photo courtesy of Flickr user Fibonacci Blue (CC BY 2.0)

These national findings build on those by Desmond, who found that more than one in eight Milwaukee renters experienced a forced move between 2009 and 2011.6 Another study found that one in seven children born in large U.S. cities between 1998 and 2000 experienced at least one eviction between birth and age 15.7

Informal evictions are even more difficult to quantify. A study of Washington, D.C., found that only 5.5 percent of eviction filings resulted in completed evictions; however, a forced exit from housing can happen at many points that may not be recorded.8 Existing information on rates of informal evictions indicates that they vary by locality. The Milwaukee study found that informal evictions occurred twice as often as formal evictions, whereas evidence from a different study on moves in New York City between 2016 and 2018 showed the opposite — roughly one informal eviction for every two formal evictions.9 (See “Prevalence and Impact of Evictions,” for more information about current efforts to track evictions and the associated challenges.)

Nonpayment of rent is the primary reason for eviction, which itself can arise from various causes, including rising rents combined with stagnant income growth and persistent poverty, job or income loss, or a sudden economic shock such as a health emergency or a car breakdown. Other reasons include lease violations, which can be technical in nature; property damage; and disruptions, such as police calls. Landlords, for their own reasons, may force tenants to move, either informally or through a legal “no-fault” eviction.10 Renters often are evicted over relatively small amounts of money — in many cases, less than a full month’s rent.11 As discussed below, however, the disparities in evictions suggest that factors besides the ability to pay rent affect eviction rates.12

The COVID-19 pandemic and related mitigation responses drastically altered the context for evictions. On one hand, widespread impacts such as health emergencies and associated expenses, job loss, and income reductions have put many more households at risk of eviction than there were before the pandemic. On the other hand, eviction moratoria and other interventions significantly reduced the prevalence of evictions during the pandemic. In May 2021, an estimated 16.8 percent of renter households felt that eviction would be “very likely” within the next 2 months, and another 28.6 percent felt that eviction would be “somewhat likely” within the next 2 months.13 These figures represent an improvement from December 2020, when an estimated 17 percent and 35 percent of respondents believed that they were “very likely” and “somewhat likely,” respectively, to be evicted in the next 2 months. When pandemic-related emergency measures such as eviction moratoria expire, many cities are likely to face a backlog of filings along with a wave of new filings.14

Eviction Disparities

Although eviction is relatively common among low-income renters because of increasing rental costs and stagnant incomes, studies examining both national and local data have found that African American and Latinx renters (especially women), families with children, and renters in certain geographies are at greater risk for eviction than are other renters and neighborhoods with similar income characteristics.

A study examining court records of eviction cases against 4.1 million individuals in 39 states between 2012 and 2016 found that a disproportionate share of eviction filings and judgments were against African-American renters.15 Overall, although African-Americans make up only 20 percent of all U.S. renters, they constitute 33 percent of renters who are evicted.16

Female African-American and Latinx renters were more likely than males in the same groups to have evictions filed against them.17 Factors contributing to the increased rate of eviction for African-American and Latinx women include low wages, the need for larger and more expensive units to accommodate children, landlords attempting to evade increased scrutiny related to lead poisoning of children, police calls related to domestic violence, and gender dynamics and abuses of power between male landlords and female tenants, including sexual harassment an assault.18 In a review of data from large cities, Lundberg and Donnelly found that, between 1998 and 2000, children born into poorer households were more likely to experience evictions than those born into higher-income households, and children in African American and Hispanic households were more likely to experience evictions than those in White households.19 African-American and Latinx renters were also more likely to be targeted with serial eviction filings — repeated filings against the same individuals at the same address.20

These studies built on the findings of local investigations. The Milwaukee Area Renters Study found higher rates of eviction for African-American, Latinx, and lower-income renters and renters with children. Neighborhood crime and eviction rates, the number of children in a household, and “network disadvantage” — defined by Desmond and Gershenson as “the proportion of one’s strong ties to people who are unemployed, addicted to drugs, in abusive relationships, or who have experienced major, poverty-inducing events (e.g., incarceration, teenage pregnancy) to increase his or her propensity for eviction” — are factors associated with an increased likelihood of eviction.21 In Milwaukee County, female renters in predominantly African-American and Latinx neighborhoods were disproportionately evicted.22

The groundbreaking Milwaukee Area Renters Study found higher rates of eviction among African-American, Latinx, and lower-income renters and renters with children.

A number of studies of eviction filings in local contexts, usually at the city level, find stark geographic disparities and concentrations of evictions, with a small number of neighborhoods and even specific buildings and landlords accounting for a disproportionate share of evictions. These geographic disparities reflect the intersection of demographic disparities and residential segregation, but they also reveal how a small number of large-scale landlords strategically deploy eviction as a tool for rent collection and tenant control.23 A study of eviction filings in Washington, D.C., from 2014 to 2018, for example, found wide spatial disparities across the city’s eight wards in filings, which were concentrated in neighborhoods east of the Anacostia River with majority African-American populations, and executed evictions, with more than 60 percent occurring in the two wards east of the river. In 2018, just 20 landlords owning 21 percent of the city’s rental units accounted for nearly half of its eviction filings.24 Similarly, in Richmond, Virginia, researchers found that a neighborhood’s racial composition is associated with higher eviction rates after controlling for income, property values, and other factors, with higher rates of eviction in neighborhoods with a higher share of African-American residents.25

Tracking a decade of evictions in 17 cities, Rutan and Desmond found that these spatial concentrations of evictions tend to be durable over time. An examination of the 100 land parcels or properties with the highest eviction rates in 3 of the cities, for example, showed that these parcels accounted for more than 1 in 6 evictions in Cleveland, Ohio, and more than 2 in 5 evictions in Fayetteville, North Carolina, and Tucson, Arizona. Among the implications of these findings is that interventions targeted at the neighborhoods, buildings, and landlords responsible for significant numbers of evictions can have a profound impact.26

In some local contexts, other factors, such as property turnover and investor purchases of multifamily rental housing in gentrifying neighborhoods, have been associated with increases in eviction rates, as two studies of eviction in Atlanta found.27

Devastating and Durable Impacts

Evictions are extremely disruptive experiences that have numerous negative economic, social, and health impacts for affected families and communities. Garboden and Rosen argue that even an informal threat of eviction is an expression of the landlord’s power over the tenant that can negatively affect not only renters’ financial and housing decisions but also “their sense of home and community.”28

Social and Economic Impacts. Forced moves are often stressful, rushed, and undertaken with scant resources for associated expenses such as moving and storage services, application fees, and security deposits. During the eviction process, families might lose their possessions, their job, and their social networks and schools (with potentially negative implications for academic achievement).29 Under these circumstances, and with an eviction on record, evicted households often struggle to secure new housing. In a study based on data from New York City, Collinson and Reed found that an eviction increased the likelihood that a household would apply for a homeless shelter by 14 percentage points compared with nonevicted peers and resulted in an increase of 5 percentage points in the number of days spent in a shelter during the 2 years after an eviction filing.30

When evicted households do secure new housing, writes Desmond, “they often must accept conditions far worse than those of their previous dwelling,” because many landlords will reject them, forcing them to accept units at the bottom of the market. Such moves within disadvantaged neighborhoods are associated with negative outcomes such as poor school performance, loss of social ties, increased rates of adolescent violence, and health risks.31 In addition, a forced move to a more disadvantaged neighborhood or substandard housing often results in subsequent voluntary moves in search of better conditions.32 The record of an eviction filing, however, can make securing housing more difficult and costly for these households well into the future.33

Health Impacts. Beyond these economic and social impacts, research shows that evictions are associated with numerous negative physical and mental health outcomes.34 “The evidence of the link between eviction and health is starting to snowball with research teasing out the mechanisms and directions [of that link],” says Johns Hopkins professor Dr. Craig Pollack.35

A major life event and social stressor, eviction has been associated with an increase in all-cause mortality,36 higher mortality rates in several substance use categories37, and a likelihood of committing suicide that is four times higher than that of people who have not experienced eviction, controlling for demographic, socioeconomic, and mental health factors.38 Research shows that eviction during pregnancy is associated with reduced infant weight and gestational age at birth.39

These health impacts persist over time, with some studies showing effects as long as 2 years after an eviction. A study based in New York City found that in the 2 years following an eviction, people were more likely to visit the emergency room or require hospitalization for a mental health condition than were their nonevicted peers.40 A study of low-income urban mothers using a national U.S. sample found that those who had experienced eviction had higher rates of material hardship and depression than those who had not been evicted, and these effects persisted for as long as 2 years after the forced move.41

Through its link to homelessness, eviction may lead to numerous risks, including syringe sharing (due to reduced access to sterile syringes and increased contact with the police, which can lead to the loss of injecting equipment and a greater likelihood of sharing),42 chlamydia and gonorrhea contraction,43 HIV disease progression (possibly because eviction increases stress and disrupts one’s ability to safely store medication and access care providers and pharmacies),44 and an increased likelihood that both male and female users of injected drugs will experience violence.45

The link between eviction and health runs both ways: eviction leads to negative health conditions and higher risks, but negative health conditions and their associated costs can themselves lead to eviction and, in turn, worsen health conditions.46 A study of Medicaid expansion in California found that increasing the number of Medicaid enrollees was associated with reductions in the number of evictions, suggesting that access to affordable health care can interrupt the connection between poor health and housing instability.47

KC Tenants leaders blocking the doors to the Eastern Jackson County Courthouse on January 5, 2021, in Independence, Missouri. Photo by Carly Rosin, courtesy of KC Tenants

Eviction Intersections With the COVID-19 Pandemic

The COVID-19 pandemic and mitigation responses resulted in widespread job and income loss, which were disproportionately experienced by renters of color. Losses of low-income jobs, totaling more than 5.1 million, were especially high in food services, health care, entertainment, and other service industries.48 As a result, many households have missed rent payments or might miss subsequent payments and therefore are at a heightened risk of eviction. U.S. Census Bureau Pulse Data from May 24 to June 7, 2021, found that 10 percent of renters reported having “no confidence” in their ability to pay the following month’s rent.49 In addition to the health impacts of eviction discussed above, forced moves out of housing have negative health implications specific to pandemics.50

Eviction is a particular threat to health during a pandemic because, as Benfer explains, “we know that eviction results in doubling up, in couch surfing, in residing in overcrowded environments, in being forced to use public facilities, and, at the same time, not being able to comply with pandemic mitigation strategies like wearing a mask, cleaning your PPE [personal protective equipment], social distancing, and sheltering in place.”51 Epidemiological modeling under counterfactual scenarios comparing results with a strict moratorium against results without a moratorium suggests that evictions increase COVID-19 infection rates significantly.52 Given these patterns, eviction prevention has become a critical pandemic control strategy, important for mitigating both the spread of COVID-19 and its associated mortality.53

Just as African-American and Latinx populations disproportionately experience eviction, members of those groups are also more likely than White peers to receive a positive COVID-19 test, become hospitalized due to COVID-19, and die from COVID-19.54 The populations that disproportionately experience eviction are also more likely to have comorbidities that are associated with COVID-19 infection and mortality.55 According to Eviction Crisis Monitor, a joint effort of Right to Counsel NYC, the Association for Neighborhood & Housing Development, JustFix.nyc, and the Housing Data Coalition, landlords have sued 32,576 households in New York City for $265,460,130 since the pandemic began, and 222,135 renters in the state have active cases in court and will face eviction when applicable moratoria expire. Analysis indicates that “Landlords are filing evictions 3.6 times faster in zip codes with the highest rates of death from COVID-19.” In these hardest-hit ZIP codes, 68.2 percent of the population are people of color, whereas only 29.2 percent of the population in the ZIP codes least affected by COVID-19 are people of color.56 Nationally, Hepburn et al. found that from March 15 through December 31, 2020, eviction filings disproportionately affected African-American and female renters.57

Research suggests that eviction prevention is important for pandemic mitigation. By studying COVID-19 incidence and mortality in 43 states and the District of Columbia with varying expiration dates for their eviction moratoria, Leifheit et al. found that “COVID-19 incidence was significantly increased in states that lifted their moratoriums starting 10 weeks after lifting, with 1.6 times the incidence…[and] 16 or more weeks after lifting their moratoriums, states had, on average, 2.1 times higher incidence and 5.4 times higher mortality.” The researchers conclude that, nationally, expiring eviction moratoria are associated with a total of 433,700 excess COVID-19 cases and 10,700 excess deaths.58 Another study estimates that, had eviction moratoria been implemented nationwide from March 2020 through November 2020, COVID-19 infection rates would have been reduced by 14.2 percent and COVID-19 deaths would have been reduced by 40.7 percent.59

Addressing the Crisis Through Policy

At the onset of the pandemic, state and local lawmakers were the first to step in to prevent evictions, with 43 states, 5 territories, and the District of Columbia enacting eviction moratoria of varying terms. By mid-May 2020, 31 states had halted at least one part of the eviction process; however, the hold was often applied only to the latter stages, which meant that eviction filings continued, appearing on tenants’ legal records and negatively affecting their credit scores. State and local moratoria varied in the stage of the eviction process they forestalled, the stakeholder being controlled, the type of tenant or eviction covered, and the duration. Many state moratoria expired or were limited by restricting eligibility or permitting eviction for reasons other than nonpayment (which also created a loophole for landlords), removing or weakening these protections. Benfer notes that in North Carolina, for example, 71,000 families and individuals received eviction filings, and judges denied only 3 percent of these cases despite federal and state moratoria.60

At the end of March 2020, Congress passed the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act, which included federal policies to protect renters. The CARES Act prohibited evictions for nonpayment of rent from all federally backed or assisted rental properties, covering an estimated 12.3 to 20 million renter households through July 24, 2020. Also protected from eviction (potentially beyond July 24, 2020) were renters living in properties granted forbearance on federally backed multifamily and single-family mortgages.61 Ambrose, An, and Lopez’s analysis found that, in the absence of eviction moratoria, protections based on government-sponsored enterprise financing of rental housing would have reduced eviction filings by approximately 20 percent.62

After the CARES Act protections and many state and local moratoria expired, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) began a federal moratorium that became effective September 4, 2020, and, after successive renewals, was extended through July 31, 2021. The rationale for the order was that the moratorium would facilitate self-isolation, social distancing, and adherence to stay-at-home orders and reduce residency in congregate settings such as homeless shelters. The CDC moratorium also had significant limitations: it required tenants to initiate their protection through a written declaration and meet a number of conditions for eligibility, such as making "best efforts” to obtain government assistance and proving that they are likely to experience homelessness if evicted.63 In addition, Hepburn says, “there was a lot of variation in how the order was interpreted, [so] some renters were better protected than others.”64

The FASTEN (Funds and Services for Tenants Experiencing Need) program in New York is a philanthropic effort to prevent eviction through rental and rental arrears assistance, landlord and tenant mediation, and legal assistance. Photo courtesy of Enterprise Community Partners, Inc.

Although there was no comprehensive national evictions database or tracking of tenant declarations under the CDC moratorium, several studies based on available data indicate that state, local, and national moratoria have curbed eviction filings and evictions.65 In a study of 63 jurisdictions, the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) found that under federal, state, and local eviction moratoria, the rate of eviction filings was 74 percent lower in the last week of July 2020 than in the same week in 2019, but it gradually increased under the CDC moratorium.66 Another study by Hepburn et al. that examined available eviction filings data found that 65 percent fewer cases were filed between March 15 and December 31, 2020, than during the same period in a typical year. Based on this rate, the researchers estimate a reduction of 1.55 million eviction filings nationwide in 2020.67 Looking specifically at the period when the CDC moratorium was in effect, from September 4, 2020, to February 27, 2021, Hepburn and Louis tracked 163,716 eviction filings, a 44 percent reduction compared with the same period in a typical year. The rate of reduction varied considerably from city to city; reductions were greatest in cities that supplemented the CDC moratorium with their own protections. In cities without additional protections, filings were at 50.1 percent of the historical average. At the extremes, filings were 30.1 percent of the historical average in Richmond, Virginia, and 90.1 percent of the historical average in Tampa, Florida.68 These findings indicate that the moratoria, coupled with income supports and rental assistance, offered renters significant protections, albeit with substantial gaps. The GAO analysis concluded that improved outreach to increase tenant awareness of the moratorium would make it more effective and beneficial.69

Timely rental assistance can help households avoid eviction and its many impacts.
Photo courtesy of Friends in Deed

Although the CDC moratorium was extended several times, many analysts fear that following its expiration, tenants will experience an “eviction cliff” — precipitous movement on a months long backlog of pending evictions that have been paused at various stages by moratoria.70 Research findings by Hepburn et al. showing that eviction filing rates increased in the second half of 2020 and were higher than historic averages when eviction protections expired — for example, between the end of the CARES Act moratorium in August 2020 and the start of the CDC moratorium on September 4, 2020 — lend credence to this concern.71

The December 2020 COVID-19 relief legislation and the March 2021 American Rescue Plan (ARP) have provided $46 billion in federal funding for emergency rental and utility assistance as well as various forms of income supports.72 ARP also provides $5 billion for emergency housing vouchers and another $5 billion for the HOME Investment Partnerships Program for housing and services for those are experiencing or are at risk of homelessness.73 This infusion of funds promises relief to many in need. Although this aid is substantial, it might not be enough to eliminate all the rental debt accrued during a year and a half of the pandemic, and many households remain in a precarious situation for making their upcoming rent payments unless their income has stabilized through employment or government assistance. In some cases, localities are rationing assistance through per-household caps to ensure that more households can receive aid or to prioritize those with the greatest need.74 Collyer notes that the income supports from ARP, such as the child tax credits, could also help households make their rent payments.75

These recent responses and other policy interventions could go beyond the immediate need to address the COVID-19 pandemic and become part of a broader effort to combat the longstanding eviction crisis. Hepburn notes that because the eviction crisis derives largely from the affordable housing crisis, increasing the supply of affordable housing remains an important intervention.76 Collyer adds that ensuring that tenants have a stable and sufficient income is essential.77 Ultimately, because eviction is a symptom of a broken system of housing provision, it cannot be eliminated without addressing its root causes. Intermediate interventions that can help curb the rate of evictions include eliminating the state provision for no-fault evictions (in which landlords can evict without cause), extending fair housing legislation to include source of income protections, sealing records to ensure that evictions do not make securing quality housing difficult, guaranteeing a right to counsel in eviction court proceedings, establishing local eviction diversion programs, and funding emergency rental assistance programs that can make the difference between paying the rent and eviction for families.78 Effective long-term interventions include policies that increase the availability of diverse affordable housing options, expand access to housing vouchers and other housing assistance programs, and strengthen renter protections.79

Outside of policy interventions, tenants’ associations, nonprofits, and other nongovernmental organizations are also addressing the threat of eviction. Tenants in many cities nationwide, including Kansas City, Milwaukee, and Brooklyn, are organizing and protesting to halt evictions and call for rental assistance. In some cases, tenants have successfully delayed eviction proceedings.80 The national Autonomous Tenants Union Network, which was founded in 2018 and formalized in 2020, has supported city-level unions that have grown rapidly during the pandemic.81 Public policy has also been catalyzed and supplemented by philanthropies. The pandemic has spurred philanthropies to pivot from their traditional roles and processes toward providing emergency assistance for public health needs, including support for housing (see “A Picture of Philanthropy During the Pandemic”).

Conclusion

Housing stability — specifically, the prevention of evictions — remains an essential component of COVID-19 mitigation. Keeping people safely housed reduces the spread of the virus while mass vaccination efforts continue. Although the pandemic has brought new urgency to eviction prevention efforts, evictions were widespread before the pandemic and have long been linked to adverse physical and mental health outcomes. Effective responses to keep people housed and mitigate the long-term economic, social, and health effects of eviction are critical to HUD’s mission to serve the most vulnerable members of society and, given the disproportionate impact of eviction on people and communities of color, an essential part of the Biden administration’s commitment to advance racial equity.

Related Information

A Picture of Philanthropy During the Pandemic

1. Emily Peiffer. 2018. "Why We Need to Stop Evictions Before They Happen," Housing Matters, 25 July.
2. The Eviction Lab. 2018. "National Estimates: Eviction in America," Accessed 13 May 2021.
3. Matthew Desmond. 2020. "On the Brink of Homelessness: How the Affordable Housing Crisis and the Gentrification of America Is Leaving Families Vulnerable," statement before the United States House of Representatives Committee on Financial Services, 3.
4. Peter Hepburn and Devin Q. Rutan. 2021. "America Can't Just Build Its Way Out of an Eviction Crisis," Slate 6 May.
5. Miriam Axel-Lute and Brandon Duong. 2021. "Fixing the Harms of Our Eviction System: An Interview with Emily Benfer," Shelterforce 4 March.
6. Matthew Desmond. 2016. Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City. New York: Crown, 5.
7. Ian Lundberg and Louis Donnelly. 2019. "A Research Note on the Prevalence of Housing Eviction Among Children Born in U.S. Cities," Demography 56:1, 391-404.
8. Brian J. McCabe and Eva Rosen. 2020. "Eviction in Washington, DC: Racial and Geographic Disparities in Housing Instability," Georgetown University McCourt School of Public Policy, 5.
9. Matthew Desmond and Tracey Shollenberger. 2015. "Forced Displacement from Rental Housing: Prevalence and Neighborhood Consequences," Demography 52, 1751; Sophie Collyer and Lily Bushman-Copp. 2019. "Spotlight on Forced Moves and Eviction in New York City," Columbia Population Research Center, 9.
10. Himmelstein and Desmond.
11. Emily Badger. 2019. "Many Renters Who Face Eviction Owe Less Than $600," The New York Times, 12 December.
12. Benjamin F. Teresa. n.d. "The Geography of Eviction in Richmond: Beyond Poverty," RVA Eviction Lab.
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14. Peter Hepburn. 2021. "The End of the C.D.C. Eviction Moratorium Means Trouble," The New York Times, 2 June; Mary K. Cunningham, Ananya Hariharan, and Olivia Fiol. 2021. "The Looming Eviction Cliff: Findings from the Urban Institute Coronavirus Tracking Survey," The Urban Institute, 1.
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16. Himmelstein and Desmond.
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29. Peiffer; Matthew Desmond and Carl Gershenson. 2016. "Housing and Employment Insecurity among the Working Poor," Social Problems; Diana H. Gruman, Tracy W. Harachi, Robert D. Abbott, Richard Catalano, and Charles B. Fleming. 2008. "Longitudinal Effects of Student Mobility on Three Dimensions of Elementary School Engagement," Child Development 79:6.
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31. Desmond 2012, 89, 118.
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35. Interview with Craig Pollack, 7 May 2021.
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40. Collinson and Reed.
41. Matthew Desmond and Rachel Tolbert Kimbro. 2015. "Eviction's Fallout: Housing, Hardship, and Health," Social Forces.
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44. Mary Clare Kennedy, Thomas Kerr, Ryan McNeil, Surita Parashar, Julio Montaner, Evan Wood, and M.J. Milloy. 2017. "Residential Eviction and Risk of Detectable Plasma HIV-1 RNA Viral Load Among HIV-Positive People Who Use Drugs," AIDS and Behavior 21:3, 678–87.
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50. Emily A. Benfer, David Vlahov, Marissa Y. Long, Evan Walker-Wells, J.L. Pottenger Jr., Gregg Gonsalves, and Danya E. Keene. 2021. "Eviction, Health Inequity, and the Spread of COVID-19: Housing Policy as a Primary Pandemic Mitigation Strategy," Journal of Urban Health 98.
51. Interview with Emily Benfer, 10 May 2021.
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